The practice of whaling has been a significant human activity for thousands of years, with its motivations shifting dramatically across history. Once a localized, small-scale endeavor for food and materials, it transformed into a global industrial enterprise driven by resource demand and later into a complex political and cultural issue. Understanding why whales have been hunted requires examining the economic, nutritional, and cultural reasons that have fueled this pursuit across different eras and nations. These reasons range from foundational commercial drivers of the past to the nuanced justifications used for contemporary hunts.
Early Industrial Drivers: Oil and Baleen
The massive expansion of commercial whaling, which peaked between the 17th and early 20th centuries, was fueled almost entirely by the industrial demand for two products: whale oil and baleen. Whale oil, derived from the thick layer of blubber found beneath the skin, was a highly valued commodity before the widespread availability of petroleum products. It was prized for its use in illumination, providing a clean-burning and bright fuel for lamps that lit the streets and homes of growing industrial cities.
Beyond illumination, whale oil served as a lubricant for the complex machinery of the Industrial Revolution. Sperm whales were hunted for spermaceti, a high-grade, waxy oil found in a cavity in the whale’s head, used for specialized products. The oil was also a primary ingredient in the manufacturing of soap and, after the invention of hydrogenation, was processed into margarine and other edible fats. The efficiency of these products drove hunters to pursue species like the slow-moving right whale and bowhead whale, which were easier to catch and floated after being killed.
The second major product was baleen, a flexible, strong material that hangs in plates from the upper jaws of filter-feeding whales. Often misleadingly called “whalebone,” this material was essentially the plastic of the 19th century, finding applications where elasticity and resilience were necessary. The fashion industry heavily relied on baleen for the manufacture of corsets, requiring a flexible yet rigid structure. Baleen was also used to make umbrella ribs, buggy whips, and collar stays, demonstrating its wide commercial value before being replaced by steel, plastics, and petroleum-based alternatives. The pursuit of these two lucrative resources led to the severe depletion of multiple whale populations worldwide.
Modern Motivations: Food, Subsistence, and Culture
Following the decline of the industrial whaling era, the motivations for hunting whales evolved into a mix of cultural tradition and modern commercial interests. A key distinction exists between indigenous “aboriginal subsistence whaling” (ASW) and the commercial whaling activities conducted by some nation-states. The International Whaling Commission (IWC) recognizes ASW as a necessary practice for the nutritional and cultural survival of certain indigenous communities, such as those in Alaska, Greenland, the Russian Federation, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines.
These hunts are authorized by the IWC, which sets quotas based on scientific advice and the established needs of the communities involved. The whale meat and products are used for local consumption, forming a significant part of the diet, particularly in remote regions where other food sources are scarce. The practice is intertwined with cultural heritage, involving specific rituals and knowledge transmission central to the community’s identity. While the IWC regulates these hunts, concerns occasionally arise over whether whale products enter the commercial market, blurring the line between subsistence and profit.
Separately, countries like Norway and Iceland continue to engage in commercial whaling, citing cultural preference, food security, and the historical tradition of consuming whale meat. Norway formally objected to the IWC’s 1986 moratorium on commercial whaling, which allows it to set its own annual quotas for minke whales in its exclusive economic zone. Iceland has similarly maintained a reservation against the moratorium, allowing its whalers to target minke and fin whales for their domestic and export food markets. These nations argue that their whaling is sustainable and targets abundant stocks, positioning the practice as a legitimate marine resource management activity outside the IWC’s commercial ban.
The Role of Scientific Research Permits
The international regulation of whaling is complicated by the provision for “scientific research” under the International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW). The ICRW contains a clause, Article VIII, that permits any contracting government to issue a “special permit” to its nationals to kill whales for scientific purposes. This provision has been used by some nations to continue lethal whaling despite the global moratorium on commercial hunts.
The controversy stems from the fact that the meat from these research catches is often processed and sold commercially, leading critics to view the practice as commercial whaling disguised as science. Nations that have utilized this permit system argue that lethal sampling is necessary to gather data on whale age, reproduction, diet, and stock structure, which they claim cannot be obtained through non-lethal methods alone. However, the IWC’s Scientific Committee has frequently advised that the data collected did not require the number of whales killed or could have been gathered through less invasive techniques.
In 2014, the International Court of Justice ruled that Japan’s research whaling program in the Antarctic was not “for purposes of scientific research” under Article VIII, leading to its temporary cessation. Japan later withdrew from the IWC in 2019 to resume commercial whaling within its territorial waters, abandoning the use of scientific permits. This regulatory pathway remains a point of contention, highlighting the difficulty in enforcing the commercial moratorium when nations can invoke a treaty provision to maintain whaling activities.